Napoleon in 1812

‘By now, their discussion must be roughly finished.’

Napoleon was told by his servants that André Masséna had visited the barracks of Louis-Alexandre Berthier. At a time when the threats from the enemy countries surrounding France were still present, he had had no intention of abandoning Masséna, a competent general, from the beginning.

He just wanted to give a warning to the corps on the peninsula that were running abnormally, after suppressing Masséna’s wild horse-like temperament. What happened today would be reported to the other corps on the peninsula.

He got up and stood in front of a map of the Iberian Peninsula.

Napoleon’s priority goal since he came back to Paris was to end this long-standing war as soon as possible. To do so, it was necessary to win a short-term decisive battle, as in the Russian expedition, and the best way was to destroy the main corps of the coalition.

If they destroyed the corps under the command of Arthur Wellesley, they could completely break the enemy countries’ will to fight over the Iberian Peninsula. It would have been like this if the Operation Sickle had been successfully completed. But, sadly, it seemed that God did not want him to put a clean end to this war.

Napoleon, who failed to achieve his first goal, turned his strategy without hesitation.

Napoleon took a pen out of his coat’s outer pocket. Then he drew on the map of the Iberian Peninsula. From Santiago… to Almería. It was a line that completely divided the entire Iberian Peninsula diagonally.

“Thanks to this, we will start a medieval war again.”

Now he and France would face a new type of war. They could not go fast, but it was not that bad. The final outcome would not change anyway.

===

The quiet sunset fell on a square in the Paris Commune.

The long procession of young workers returning home after a hard day’s work was an indispensable sight to see here at this time of day. Their appearance was very different. Miners from iron, copper, or coal mines, engineers apparently working for Imperial state-run munitions companies, sailors hired by privateers, and ink-smelling journalists working in print shops.

Their steps as they left the center of the city and entered the suburbs did not contain any uncertainty or anxiety about the future, even if their fatigue could be seen. It was a completely different attitude from the past.

“The conditions of our pockets haven’t changed much from before. We’re still poor workers trying to make a living. But what’s crucially different now compared to a month ago is that we’ve lessened our concerns about keeping our work.”

Olivier, who worked in a mill in the Seine River basin, responded to an interview with a journalist who was examining the livelihoods of Paris. He did not hide his strong support for this system, which was very rational.

The changes announced by the Special Economic Committee a month ago were a new form of civil laws that had never been seen before, clearly establishing workers’ rights to work. The man who led the executive order, and who first introduced the word ‘labor rights’, was François Carnot, advisor of the Special Economic Committee.

He defined labor rights as ‘the right to set a period of time for workers to work and receive remuneration’.

Now all authorized workplaces under the Imperial Government had to draw up contracts setting the exact duration and conditions of work when hiring workers.

During that contract period, workers were guaranteed the right to work in the workplace, and if the workplace intended to terminate the contract for unjustifiable reasons, they had to pay the workers a small compensation by calculating the remaining contract period and daily salary.

Under the bill, employers were no longer allowed to fire or kick employees out as they wish. This new ‘contract’ between the employer and the employee resembled the promotion of civil rights and the idea of universal equality. Of course, it would take some time and trials and errors for the system to be fully implemented throughout the Empire. But at least the faces of the workers working in downtown Paris had become considerably brighter at a glance.

“People like us used to be treated like flies. If we made a small mistake, we got a notice of dismissal right away. The fact that there is no such thing anymore seems to be the reason why I can work harder at my workplace. And if I’m less nervous, I make less mistakes.”

“Because we have a fixed period of time to work, we can look for another job as we approach the end of the contract. Thanks to this, I’ve relieved my worries about my livelihood. At least it’s less likely that I won’t be able to find a job and feed my family. I am always grateful to Mr. Carnot and His Majesty for making all this happen.”

Marson, who worked at a coke mill, blushed and praised the two for protecting the workers’ rights. There had not been much resistance before the new law, named Labor Rights, was passed.

The citizens of Paris knew that François Carnot, who was an advisor of the Special Economic Committee, had managed to persuade the members of the Imperial Council and senior officials of the Ministry of Justice to pass the law. The great Emperor, who discovered Carnot and placed him here, also had the support and admiration of the workers.

…omitted…

There were not only positive responses to the guarantee of workers’ rights. The bourgeoisie, who ran businesses inside France, feared the ripple effects of Carnot’s policy of prioritizing workers’ rights.

“If we guarantee one’s rights in the principles of the market economy, then the other’s rights will be reduced by that. Workers have earned the right to work comfortably as long as their contract has not ended, but businessmen have lost the freedom of free employment and dismissal.”

“The Empire is in dire need of capitalists’ investment more than ever before. That’s why it’s important to have a good environment for them to invest in.”

Maurice Periore, an auditor of the French Central Bank, was concerned about the contraction of the investment market, saying that after the announcement of the executive order on labor rights, there had already been one capitalist who had given up on businesses in Paris…omitted…

– The Garden of Poncede: ‘New Time for Workers’ –

“The issues of workers’ ‘labor rights’ and ‘contracting period’ are not leaving Paris’s squares and salons. There is a healthy yet intense debate depending on the situation and political orientation of each class.”

“This time again, we have succeeded in capturing the issue. Now, not only the citizens of Paris, but also the ones living in the small towns in the region, must know the name ‘Special Economic Committee’.”

Carnot was reading an article published by Paris’ main newspaper, The Garden of Poncede.

Listening to what the committee’s officials and secretaries said, Carnot nodded with a satisfied look. After all, the French Empire was born out of a country founded by citizens. And its principles included the happiness of the majority. It was natural that other newspapers were pouring out favorable articles despite complaints from capitalists.

“I… I’ve always wanted to ask you this.”

“Tell me.”

When asked by a young official, Carnot answered with an encouraging expression.

“Isn’t our Special Economic Committee a temporary organization that operates until His Majesty returns?”

“That’s right.”

“When His Majesty returns, you may be incorporated into an organization other than this committee, or become an official member of the Cabinet… I wonder why you should pay attention to the expansion of public awareness of a temporary organization. Don’t we just have to focus on our duties?”

“That’s a great question, Tourant. I can give you an answer to that right away. That’s because this temporary organization we’re in is going to last much longer than expected.”

“That’s… Does that mean that His Majesty will be coming back to Paris that late?”

To the surprised officials, Carnot brought some documents from his library. They contained indicators of the approximate economic conditions of Britain, Spain and Portugal, which were currently at war with France.

“These are not confidential documents, but it’s not something to talk about, so I want you to keep them somewhere safe.”

“Of course, sir.”

“I think we’ve overcome a lot of the dark internal situation in France through various transformations. Of course, the greatest credit for this achievement should go to the Emperor, who himself proposed the ‘Luxembourg Decree’. But I can say I’ve contributed a little bit to this.”

No one denied or refuted Carnot’s words.

France’s economy had been in a great crisis in 1812 due to excessive external wars, contraction of trade and industry, a decline in national credibility, continued coastal blockade, and abnormal weather conditions. Carnot’s credit for monitoring the contents of the decree and proposing supplementary measures could not be denied, no less than the unconventional and bold decisions made by the Emperor to solve this problem.

“The war won’t necessary end if we defeat the enemy’s forces and capture cities and castles. It will ultimately be over when the enemy countries judge that the loss is greater than the gain (damage done to France) from continuing the war.”

Britain’s economic growth was endless.

It was the birthplace of the mechanical revolution that had shown how powerful the steam engine powered by coal was, allowing the development of all kinds of industries dramatically and explosively. In addition, Britain’s revenues were breaking new records every year as it had seized global control of the sea, monopolizing all trade with the New World and Asia, and circulating commercial value-added goods.

This overwhelming wealth was being poured solely into the war against France, the blockade, and the support of its allies. Spain and Portugal were completely economically dependent on Britain.

“Without a direct blow to Britain’s finances and economic power, the countries of the coalition will not come to the negotiating table with the Empire. His Majesty must know this, so of course he will aim for the end of the Peninsular War with a ‘new strategy’ that has never been seen in the history of the Empire.”

“Then… then what is this ‘new strategy’…?”

Carnot grinned as if he had no intention of telling more.

“So you don’t have to disregard the committee for being a temporary organization, because you’ll be with me here for still quite some time.”

Members of the committee who heard that smiled but had expressions on their faces that did not show whether they liked it or not.

=

Carnot’s duties were entirely done at the headquarters of the Special Economic Committee (on Rochechouart Street). He was given only one day off a week and spent more than 13 hours a day on duty every day fighting documents, people and statistics.

As the year 1812 was about to come to an end, Carnot recalled the past, while quietly drinking coffee and taking care of all of today’s duties. He had spent nearly four months here on Rochechouart Street. The view of the street past 10 p.m. was not magnificent, but elegant and very quiet.

“Sometimes I feel like he knows my tastes and tendencies ahead of time. Obviously it’s normal to be uncomfortable… Hmm.”

Carnot muttered quietly.

Recalling Napoleon Bonaparte, the strange man, Carnot greeted the cold wind of the night.