Napoleon in 1812

Chapter 40

7. Gold Rush – 4

Shortly thereafter, the U.S. Ambassador William Dinsmore reappeared, accompanied by federal envoys.

“Ten days ago, I heard about the great victory the Emperor has obtained against wicked pirates and thugs. You will defeat them, Your Majesty! We, the United States, have no doubt about the victory of the French Empire, and we pray that those arrogant British men will eventually kneel at your feet.”

Not long ago, it was reported that the Valencian Corps, led by one of the French marshals, Louis-Gabriel Suchet, defeated a coalition of British, Portuguese and Spanish militias. It was a small skirmish that did not mean much. The Allied forces suffered little damage and the victory itself was insignificant. However, the French troops on the peninsula, who had lost their morale after the crushing defeat of the Battle of Salamanca, regained some confidence.

“Thanks, Ambassador. By the way, how come your flattery is longer than the last time we met? It’s cumbersome.”

During his expedition to Russia, so shortly after his awakening, Napoleon strongly felt the need to keep Britain in check, because it was supporting the French enemies both openly and secretly. And it was the New World’s new nation, the United States, that was chosen by Napoleon to act. Napoleon then sent a letter to the U.S. Ambassador, Dinsmore, asking when the United States would attack Britain to protect their friendship.

At that time, Ambassador Dinsmore did not give a definite answer, maybe knowing that France was overdoing it, as he passed the topic with a lukewarm attitude. But when he saw them come back after breaking Russia, he praised Napoleon and France like the saviors of the world. Now that the United States had started a war with Britain, as soon as he was called, he ran like a foal on fire. Napoleon laughed at the sight.

Yes, international diplomacy had this taste.

“That’s how much I and the federal government were honored by Your Majesty’s victory. We, the United States and the federal government, will always do our best to protect our friendship with the French Empire.”

“Time is precious, so enough of useless talk. Let’s get right to the point… So, you want to discuss the exceptions to U.S. ships in the Milan Decree issued by our country?”

“Yes, Your Majesty! The United States and the French Empire are in a fierce war against the same country. In this situation, what is the need for the two countries to stick to closed protectionism and do what is only good for Britain? In order to circulate economic value-added through active trade transactions between our countries, and to promote mutual interest of the two countries, the abolition of these measures seems inevitable.”

Napoleon nodded and asked as if he was convinced by the U.S. delegation’s arguments.

“Our country has been fighting a trade war with the islanders for years. As the ambassador knows, it has been a tradition for trade wars to prevent enemy merchant ships from entering or leaving a port, or extorting the cargo of the ships. But the cunning islanders broke the tacit rules of the sea by sinking or seizing ships of neutral countries as well as enemies. That’s why I was forced to issue the Milan Decree to counter Britain.”

“We acknowledge that the announcement of the decree at the time was an unavoidable measure, even within our federal government.”

“In the end, all the problems are caused by the cunning British. I fully understand the situation of Your Majesty and France.”

Right now, they were bowing their heads as if they were compassionate, but if one looked at the records at the time of the decree’s announcement, one could see that the reality was very different on the American continent. That was why Marshal Bessières and the Minister of Foreign Affairs Hugues-Bernard Maret were showing displeasure at the face-changing attitudes of the Americans.

Napoleon, however, simply nodded coolly.

What use were past actions and old feelings in discussing international diplomacy? It was nice to see their forward-looking attitude, as it was necessary to thoroughly determine whether it was beneficial to the nation.

“Thank you for understanding. So the decree cannot be removed. In addition, it would be difficult to make an exception only for American ships. I’m sure the British would smuggle trade with the flag of the United States, and there would be no way to stop them from doing such tricks. Also, granting special treatment for the United States would make it difficult to avoid backlash from other neutral countries.”

“Oh, we’ve thought of something to prevent the British for smuggling by stealing U.S. flags. Please listen, Your Majesty.”

The head of the federal delegation and the Democratic Republican State Council member, Caudran Pollins, stepped up to explain the newly changed standards and ordinance laws for the U.S. merchant ships that would start next month. Most of them were inconsistent with the maritime and hull regulations that British merchant ships now abide by.

Pollins argued that the rules and ordinances could be a distinction between U.S. and British merchant ships.

“The U.S. merchant ships will abide by these ordinances thoroughly. If a merchant ship is caught acting against the law, the federal government will accept any response and punishment from the French Empire, considering as if it were a vessel of pirates of the island country disguised as an American merchant ship or someone that was not entitled to carry the U.S. flag.”

“Certainly, that would steady trade between the U.S. and the French Empire, and the blood-sucking ones would disappear. But I don’t think it’s a convincing proposition for angry neutral merchants and the citizens of the Empire.”

Napoleon said that such a preferential treatment would require diplomatic benefits in response, even if the issue of preventing the camouflage of British merchant ships was resolved in such a way. The delegation’s representative and the U.S. ambassador briefly met eyes and soon opened their mouths.

“We have prepared some suggestions that might suit Your Majesty and the national interest of the French Empire.”

Their proposals were not much different from those expected by Napoleon’s secretaries, department heads and vice ministers.

There were a wide variety of financial grants secured by U.S. government bonds, lower tariffs on French products, licenses of various federal patents, and official documents pledging to actively attack Britain. However, Napoleon’s aides and secretaries refuted the proposal, pointing out the laxity and ambiguity of the conditions. In the middle of the talks, Napoleon stepped in and walked through the American people, as if he were strolling through a store without being able to choose anything.

“…Then tell me what your Majesty wants. I’ll consider it with all due respect if it’s a proposal that our federal government can accept.”

The delegation’s representative, Caudran Pollins, responded by trying to hide his tired expression.

For the federal government, which had no choice but to support the Democratic Republican leader and current president James Madison Jr., the removal of the Milan Decree for the U.S. ships was necessary to win the presidential election. But even if the negotiations were concluded, what if they took too long and the decree was abolished after the presidential election? To them, losing the election meant losing a lot more. Their minds were in a hurry, and Napoleon knew how to use such psychology.

Napoleon, who was tapping the table with his fingers, said in a soft voice.

“I have a long story to tell, so it would be nice if the minimum number of people remained. I’d like to have a discussion with key officials. I will also remove everyone on my side, so please show your sincerity by doing the same.”

The members of the delegation, who had been wary, stood up and left the office at the order of Pollins.

Napoleon also forced not only the staff, the secretaries, but also the guards to step down. Only Napoleon, Caudran Pollins and William Dinsmore remained in the office.

“Do you have any idea why I left only the three of us and asked the rest to leave?”

“…I understand to some extent. Isn’t it to discuss Your Majesty’s ‘private affairs’ that are hard to reveal?”

“Hahaha! You’re quick to read. Exactly. That’s right.”

Pollins had a gentle smile on the outside but felt a surge of disgust on the inside. This was because he noticed what Napoleon was saying. The Emperor in front of him wanted to receive personal rewards in return for national affairs.

‘What a disappointment. Napoleon Bonaparte… Was he such a snob and greedy man?”

Napoleon, the Emperor of France, always had noble causes and justifications when he staged a coup, when he became Consul for life, or even when he ascended the throne. There were so many who were fascinated by the justification he put forward, except for the intellectuals who constantly questioned the truth.

In the United States, where the reality of France was not well known, a favorable public opinion towards Napoleon prevailed, and people were saying, ‘Wouldn’t George Washington, the sovereign and spirit of the United States, be like Napoleon today if he had become king?’ Napoleon’s popularity and public opinion in the United States were never bad, as the head of a friendly country with the common British enemy, and as a great conqueror who led many wars to victory.

Such a man was now blatantly demanding private interests. He acted like he would grant exceptions to the Milan Decree if he was bribed. How dare someone compare the great George Washington to this greedy, hypocritical dictator? Anger rose in his heart, and Pollins wanted to tell the U.S. citizens about it.

Of course this stayed in his mind.

“Ambassador Dinsmore and I are open-minded and willing to accept Your Majesty’s offer. Whether it’s bonds, cash or bills, our federal government will be prepared to deliver it. Of course, this story will be kept strictly confidential.”

But this situation was better for the national interest of the United States. If they managed to please Napoleon with compensation, they would obtain the abolition the decree. By just knowing one side of his personality of course, they never meant to reveal this to the Americans), the United States would be able to gain some negotiating advantages.

“Well, that sounds obvious… But what I want is not bonds, cash, or such.”

Waiting in a forward-looking manner, U.S. Secretary of State Pollins and U.S. Ambassador Dinsmore were soon at a loss for words at Napoleon’s suggestion. It was not because it was such a ridiculous condition, but because it was a proposal they had never thought of before.

“I’d like to have full ownership of four villages in Georgia: Dahlonega, Villa Rica, Ellijay and Calhoun.”

What the hell was he talking about?

TL notes

Here is a map I made with Google Maps of the four villages: