Holy Roman Empire

On July 16, 1880, after a grueling ten-month fight and the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, the Russian Army finally captured Smolensk, causing an uproar in the European world.

That night, European politicians collectively suffered from insomnia, including Franz. Had it not been for years of experience as Emperor, he almost could not resist calling an immediate meeting.

The geographic location of Smolensk determined the extraordinary nature of this battle. With the capture of this fortress, Russia had gained strategic initiative.

The balance of the war began to tilt, and the Russians, who already had an advantage in national power, further extended their advantage.

Allowing one night’s respite, the next day, Franz convened a high-level government meeting at the Vienna Palace.

To make the right decision, one must first understand the true situation on the Prusso-Russian battlefield.

After years as Emperor, Franz no longer took historical records from his previous life seriously. He preferred facts over fanciful judgements based on personal preference.

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Chief of Staff Albrecht: "Both Prussia and Russia have, back and forth, committed a total of 1.87 million troops in the contest for Smolensk, with Prussia deploying 720,000 and Russia 1.15 million.

Based on the analysis of data provided by the Military Observation Group, preliminary assessments suggest that just in the Smolensk Region, the total casualties for both countries exceed 700,000, with about one quarter of them killed and a casualty exchange ratio of roughly 1:1.3 between the two armies.

It can be said that both Prussia and Russia have put forth their full effort in this battle, which has been extremely fierce. The defensive fortifications of the Smolensk Region were very robust, and its sudden fall was completely unexpected.

Our data is incomplete and we are unable to determine the exact cause of Smolensk’s fall. Judging by the Russian victory, the Prussian Army has suffered heavy losses, with more than 120,000 taken prisoner.

However, there is dissent within the Military Observation Group. The proportion of old and weak among the prisoners is too high, suggesting they may not have been part of Prussia’s main forces, or even second-line troops.

Through verification with our Military Observation Group dispatched to the Prussian Army, we confirmed that Prussia indeed carried out a major troop rotation half a month ago. However, it was done so secretively that the observers could not get close.

If all this information is accurate, then the significance of Russia’s ’great victory at Smolensk’ is greatly diminished.

We have not observed any major movements from the Prussian Army, neither on the southern nor the northern fronts show any intention of launching an offensive, so the real purpose of concentrating their main forces is up for study."

The hypothesis that "Prussia deliberately gave up Smolensk" is hard to believe for many, Franz included.

From the situation on the battlefield, there was no need for Prussia to give up Smolensk. Even relying on local fortress works, the Russian Army might not have been able to take it in two to three more years.

In such a context, there was no need to give up such a strategic location and sacrifice a large number of cannon fodder troops.

"Luring the enemy in deep" was not something that no one had considered, but the cost of such an action was extremely high. Even for troops with low combat effectiveness, they are still a valuable national defense force.

Franz asked, "Has there been any recent diplomatic activity from the Berlin Government?"

Franz could not help but be suspicious; the combination of Wilhelm I and Maoqi is unquestionably formidable, and their loss of Smolensk so easily was not a mistake they would make.

If it was not an accident, then it must have been deliberate. Apart from "luring the enemy deep," showing weakness to garner more diplomatic support was another possibility.

Foreign Minister Weisenberg answered somewhat awkwardly: "Your Majesty, diplomatic activities of the Prusso Federation have been ongoing since the outbreak of the war.

According to intelligence from embassies around the world, envoys from the Prusso Federation meet with political leaders of various nations every week, with even neutral small countries like Switzerland not being an exception."

This response left Franz dumbfounded; what was meant to be diplomatic activity had turned into a routine activity.

Meeting with world leaders every day, who knew if there were any results?

Sensing the Emperor’s dilemma, Weisenberg added, "Recently, the Prusso Federation’s envoy to the Ottoman Empire held a secret talk with the Sultan, the specifics of which are unknown to anyone.

The Berlin Government also increased diplomatic relations with Central Asian Countries and the Far Eastern Empire, seemingly with the intention of reforming the Anti-Russian alliance.

There is still no confirmed news, and it probably does not look very hopeful. These countries have plenty of internal problems and are not very active in opposing Russia."

The last time an Anti-Russian alliance was formed, it was mainly thanks to the British, with the Berlin Government just tagging along.

Times have changed; the Russian Empire is no longer John Bull’s primary enemy, and the London Government naturally will not continue to spend a great price targeting the Russians.

Diplomacy has its costs, and without sufficient interests, why would everyone fight?

Whether it’s the Central Asian Countries or the Far Eastern Empire, none have the courage to take a chunk out of Russia; maintaining the integrity of their own territories is good enough for them.

In Franz’s view, instead of trying to persuade these countries, it would be more effective to lobby the Japanese Government, at least they are adventurous.

Of course, this does not have much practical significance. The Far Eastern region is too remote; even if it were all lost, it would not affect the strength of the Russian Empire.

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The most capable allies that could help the Berlin Government were the Nordic Federation and the Ottoman Empire. Unfortunately, the former was disrupted by Danish people with the Tsarist Government making promises, making it impossible to sway them.

Not to mention the latter, the Sultan was busy with internal reforms. Even if there were desires for revenge against the Russians, there was more willingness than ability.

Prime Minister Felix, "If that’s the case, the likelihood of the Berlin Government receiving substantial foreign aid has become very slim. England and France wouldn’t possibly invest indefinitely, they have to consider how to recoup their costs.

Could we assume that Maoqi is resorting to his old tricks, planning to imitate the last war by giving up the East Prussia region, thereby lengthening the Russian Army’s supply lines and baiting the Russians into a decisive battle with them?"

No one has ruled out using the same tactics twice; in fact, on the battlefield, any tactic that is effective can be used continuously.

Whether it’s repetitive or not, whether it’s possible to be discovered by the enemy, these aren’t concerns; the core objective always remains the same—to win the war.

Chief of Staff Albrecht, "We cannot rule out this possibility. Strategically speaking, it’s a blatant scheme.

Even if the Tsarist Government knew of the Prusso Federation’s plans, they couldn’t possibly order the Russian forces at the front to halt their advance due to the risks involved.

However, whilst their plan is good, it’s hard to say whether it can be realized. There are risks inherent in their plan that the Russian Army is bound to have noticed.

As long as they proceed with caution, advancing steadily and tactically without giving the Prussian Army any opportunities, the situation would be quite different."

As he said this, Albrecht suddenly chose to shut his mouth. "Advancing steadily and tactically" might be simple to say, but it was anything but simple to execute.

This world has never been short of fools, nor has the military lacked those with a strong sense of self-interest. Faced with obvious bait, could everyone restrain themselves?

War must serve the overall strategy, and conversely, local skirmishes impact the bigger picture. If something goes wrong in one place, the supposedly flawless strategic plan can quickly become full of holes.

Albrecht had no confidence in the Russian Army’s ability to execute plans. Not just the Russians—in this era, no army from any country could guarantee that all their officers possessed a sense of the bigger picture.

Franz waved his hand, "Stop there; that’s enough on this matter. If the Prussian Army is luring the enemy in deep, it’s the Tsarist Government that should be worried now.

Of course, Alexander II might still be celebrating the victory. However, I believe someone will remind him. After all, they have lost once before and should have learned from their lessons.

For now, let’s discuss how we should respond to the upcoming changes in Europe."

"Long-term planning," unfortunately, didn’t exist anymore. The Vienna Government’s foreign policy always adjusted according to current needs, with each policy enacted being timely.

This time was no exception, as the Prusso-Russian war was full of uncertainties, necessitating several contingency plans.

Which specific plan to adopt would be decided after the dust settled, by choosing the one that best served Austria’s national interests.

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After the "Great Victory at Smolensk," the Russian Army didn’t cease its advance; on the contrary, they took Minsk in hot pursuit and pointed their spears towards the Polish capital of Warsaw. The Prussian-Russian war seemed to be clearing up.

In the Russian General Headquarters, Marshal Ivanov stared blankly at the map. There was no hint of joy for victory on his face.

A middle-aged military officer approached him with a document and reported, "Marshal, the Seventh Army has sent a telegram urging for supplies."

Ivanov turned around and after a pause inquired, "Where has the Seventh Army reached?"

"The Seventh Army has advanced along the Bug River and has now passed Sarnaiki, less than 200 Russian miles from Warsaw," the middle-aged man replied.

Finding Sarnaiki on the map and examining it carefully for a while, Ivanov sneered, "It’s all flat land ahead, nearly reaching Warsaw, and the enemy hasn’t attempted an interception?"

Without waiting for the middle-aged man to respond, Marshal Ivanov continued, "Maoqi’s appetite is really big. One army isn’t enough to satisfy him; doesn’t he fear choking to death?"

The enemy who knows you best is yourself. Maoqi became famous in one battle during the last Prusso-Russian war, naturally becoming the focus of the Russian Army’s attention.

The information gathered by Ivanov was so detailed it was said that even where Maoqi went to kindergarten was known—a humorous exaggeration as kindergartens weren’t popular at the time.

Nevertheless, Maoqi’s biography, interests and hobbies, and style of command were all recorded. Similar records were not only collected by the Tsarist Government but also by many countries in Europe.

With increased understanding, naturally, some have developed tactics specifically targeting him. The tactics currently used by the Russian Army were intended to counter Maoqi.

And the facts proved that this conservative tactic was indeed effective. With their numerical advantage and cautious approach, even a military strategist like Maoqi was powerless, leaving him with the current tactics as his only option.

After pondering for a moment, Marshal Ivanov ordered, "Command the Seventh Army to halt their advance, find advantageous terrain nearby to construct defensive positions, and wait for the supply train to arrive.

Command the Sixth Army to advance into the Lithuanian Region, order the Northwest Front Army to launch a full counterattack, order the Southwestern Army to make a feint at the Volen Region..."

A series of commands were issued, with none directed towards advancing on Warsaw. Facing a steady and cautious opponent was troubling; even though the Prussian Army had opened their doors wide, Ivanov decided to first conquer the enemy on his right flank.

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