Holy Roman Empire
Chapter 101: The Tsarist Government Busy with Internal Strife
St. Petersburg, the news of the Japanese Government's sudden declaration of severed relations came, and the Tsarist Government was dumbfounded, completely feeling —— how dare the Japanese...
No matter why they dared, the fact had already occurred. Besides being angry, the Tsarist Government had no choice but to face reality.
Just as the Tsarist Government emerged from its confounded state, roaring to teach the Japanese a lesson, something even more unbearable for the Tsarist Government happened.
On February 8, 1904, the Japanese launched an attack on the Russian Army in the Far Eastern region without a declaration of war.
Well, the Japanese Government made the choice for the Tsarist Government. At this point, there was nothing to argue about; willing or not, they could only go to war.
Of course, a temporary strategic withdrawal from the Far East, awaiting the operational Siberian Railway before settling accounts with the Japanese, might have been the more rational choice, but the Tsarist Government couldn't do it.
No great nation could tolerate the loss of territory without declaring war; if the Tsarist Government chose to endure in silence, it was likely that the people inside the country would have revolted.
The pride of a fighting nation was not to be underestimated; they could endure anything, but they couldn't tolerate the Tsarist Government showing weakness.
From this perspective, blaming Nicholas II for the Russo-Japanese War in the original timeline was purely framing an innocent person.
The Japanese had already attacked, the Tsarist Government surely couldn't just take a beating without fighting back, could they?
Of course, Nicholas II was not without responsibility. The biggest problem was a strategic misjudgment, wishfully thinking that the Japanese wouldn't dare to attack, with no preparations made in advance for the war.
The current situation was also pretty much the same as in history; although the butterfly effect was significant, it still hadn't changed the subjective judgment of the Tsarist Government.
If it weren't for the frontline battle reports, the Tsarist Government wouldn't have believed that the Japanese would dare to attack the Russian Empire without a declaration.
It can only be said that the Japanese Government chose the wrong time to attack; had they launched the attack on April Fool's Day or the day before, the Tsarist Government would most likely have disregarded the frontline battle reports entirely.
...
Having been Emperor for several years, Nicholas II's composure had greatly improved, and he was already able to barely restrain his emotions.
"War has broken out, what plans does the government have?"
Those familiar with Nicholas II knew that the calmer he appeared, the angrier he was.
Although this strategic misjudgment was made collectively, the government must take the initiative to shoulder the blame.
Prime Minister Sergei Witte stepped forward and said, "Your Majesty, with the Empire's power in the Far East, it is difficult to defeat the Japanese in the short term, and we can only take a defensive stance for now.
The priority is to concentrate our forces and hold several strategic locations. After the Siberian Railway becomes operational, we can then send a large force as reinforcements.
Next is to seek the support of the Vienna Government. Although there is the Russian-Austrian Alliance, it was only signed with Austria and does not represent the Holy Roman Empire.
With the style of Emperor Franz, support will definitely be there, but the extent of it will depend on our diplomatic maneuvers from now on.
However, the Japanese's attack without declaration not only violated international norms but also provoked the Vienna System; the Vienna Government is likely very dissatisfied with the Japanese right now.
If we can gain the full support of the Vienna Government, then garnering support from the international community will be much easier.
After all, we are a European country, and no European nation wants to see Europe beaten by the indigenous peoples of Japan.
The previous Philippine War is an example. For the sake of the White world's dignity, European countries should naturally be more inclined to support us.
If possible, it would be best to bring in Spain. The Philippine War had ended less than a decade ago, and given the chance, Spaniards would definitely not mind kicking someone when they're down.
"With Spain's aid, the landing issue is also no longer a problem. With Shinra restraining the British, a joint effort between the Imperial Navy and the Spanish Navy can still defeat the Japanese Navy."
"Overall, there was nothing wrong, but there were loopholes everywhere in detail."
"Holding strategic points is easy to talk about, but it brings about numerous issues when actually implemented."
"The first problem faced is 'supplies.' Though the Russian Army had stockpiled some materials in the Far East, it wasn't nearly enough to last until the Siberian Railway was operational."
"Many keyboard warriors criticized Russian command errors in the original timeline, oblivious to the fact that many 'mistakes' were necessities."
"No strategy is more important than filling one's stomach, and the first thing a commander must do is not win the war but figure out how to feed his soldiers and ensure the supply of strategic materials."
"When forces were dispersed, it was possible to obtain some supplies locally, but once the forces were concentrated, logistics were tested."
"To garner international community support was even more obscure. Spain is Spain, Russia is Russia; in the European world, these are two distinctly different concepts."
"The European world indeed did not wish to see the Caucasians defeated by the natives, but this was merely a public sentiment and did not represent the stance of the governments."
"The governments initially supported Spain because the declining Spain posed no threat to anyone, and with Shinra leading against the Japanese, it was naturally convenient to follow along."
"It was different with the Russian Empire—even Shinra feared Russia to some extent, let alone the other countries."
"Flying the 'European' flag was useless, as the debate whether the Russian Empire should be considered a European or an Asian country was never resolved in later generations, let alone now."
"Additionally, the Tsarist Government's overbearing style had offended many. Now, those wanting the Russian Empire to lose definitely outnumbered those wishing for its victory."
"In such a scenario, not stabbing them in the back was already showing a lot of face, let alone expecting support—wishful thinking!"
"If it weren't for the equally distasteful actions of the Japanese Government, public opinion would have probably been completely one-sided. The situation was such that no individual power could reverse it."
"The only feasible option seemed to be aligning with Spain, but unfortunately, the Tsarist Government chose the wrong timing."
"If it were during the Philippine-American War, the Spanish Government would definitely have allied with them, but now it was out of the question!"
"With a myriad of internal conflicts, the Spanish Government was already exhausted, who would have the capacity to seek revenge against the Japanese?"
"Of course, actual revenge actions did not occur, supporting them spiritually was still feasible."
"Probably without even trying to coax them, the Spanish Government would voluntarily help with cheering, but that was limited to just cheering."
"These issues were naturally not overlooked by Sergei Witte, the Prime Minister. Even if he hadn't noticed them himself, the think tank would remind him."
"Feigning ignorance knowingly had its reasons. Not undermining one's dignity was one aspect, but the political necessity was even more crucial."
"Misjudgment in strategy required someone to take responsibility, and as Prime Minister, he could not shirk his blame. Not wanting to leave in disgrace, he had to come up with a remedy."
"The decisive factor in the war's outcome was still strength; unable to reverse the power balance in the Far East, he couldn't turn the tide."
"But since the Tsar had already asked, Sergei Witte couldn't pretend he hadn't heard, nor could he say it was impossible."
"Politics was about managing the immediate needs. As for how to fight on the battlefield, that was the military's concern; as Prime Minister, he was responsible for managing the logistics."
"Before his words had settled, Mihailovich's expression tightened. Whether or not the military could fulfill the plan was uncertain, but the Foreign Ministry definitely couldn't."
"Dragged down as collateral damage, Mihailovich could no longer afford to save the Prime Minister's face, and immediately retorted, 'Prime Minister, do not forget about the British."
"We have the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the Japanese have the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Whether we like it or not, the British are the most powerful in the Far East."
"Most of this war was orchestrated by the British. Without their support, the Japanese Government would never have dared to wage war against us.
What we need to do now is not only to fight against the Japanese Government but also to compete with the British.
With the British interfering, it's impossible for us to gain international support—European countries will not easily take sides.
The only real support the Foreign Ministry may obtain is from the Holy Roman Empire and Spain. With the British restraining them, it's difficult for these two countries to provide substantial assistance in the Far Eastern region."
There's no way around it, the Great Britain Empire is just that powerful. Even the strong rise of the Holy Roman Empire cannot overshadow the power of Britain.
Moreover, the Far East has always been an area where the British hold the advantage; Shinra entered the scene later, and our influence there pales in comparison to the British.
If it weren't for the renown of defeating France, we would probably still be considered a second-rate country. Now, the conflicts between Shinra and Britain are not just about interests but also about "reputation."
An individual may disregard fame and wealth, but a nation cannot. Without a formidable reputation as a deterrent, nothing is convenient.
Army Minister Yevgeny said, "The problem is not just in diplomacy, but also in military. Our military forces in the Far Eastern region are limited, and the Japanese can mobilize several times our number.
Strategic retreat would have been the best option, but the Empire was not prepared for war and the supplies stored in various places were limited.
To secure logistics, we can only split our forces to resist progressively, fighting for time for reinforcements to arrive.
From a military standpoint, nothing is more crucial now than getting the Siberian Railway operational.
I propose that we work on the Siberian Railway continuously, day and night, striving to open it in the shortest possible time.
Next, we should immediately organize a strategic materials procurement team to go to Europe and purchase supplies before the Japanese get ahead of us."
Kicking someone when they're down, perhaps!
But politics is all about 'better him than me,' and someone must always bear the consequences of strategic misjudgments; if the Prime Minister doesn't take the blame, everyone else will.
Taking responsibility doesn't mean packing up and leaving immediately; when to leave will still depend on the battlefield. If we win the front lines, everyone will be happy.
In the original timeline, Sergei Witte had to resign a year later due to taking responsibility and continuous Russian losses at the front, to provide an explanation to the domestic front.
As for the anti-war movements and disagreements with the Tsarist Government that are prevalent online in later eras, those are pure nonsense, probably not even worth mentioning as provocations.
The Russo-Japanese War was initiated by the Japanese; the Tsarist Government was merely responding defensively and had no other choice—as one can't just allow one's front lines to take hits without retaliating.
Disagreements with political views? That's even more nonsensical. Since the beginning of Nicholas II's reign, Sergei Witte was a key minister in the Tsarist Government, serving for over a decade, and was even promoted to Prime Minister.
If there were truly discordant political views, such theatrics would not have happened. With Nicholas II's style, those he disliked were usually swiftly dismissed.
If he had a choice, Yevgeny would not wish to kick someone when they're down too. But there's no other way; if he continues to muddle through, it won't be long before it's his turn to face misfortune.
War is no child's play; no one knows the situation at the front better than him, the Army Minister.
Without giving a vaccination in advance, how would one handle the series of defeats that would follow?
You can tell from the terms used 'split our forces,' 'resist progressively,' 'fight for time'—these clearly set the mental preparation for receiving news of 'defeats at the front.'
Turning the tables will be discussed after the Siberian Railway is opened, who told them to start construction later than in the original timeline?
Even if we don't regard the lives of French laborers, we can't just rapidly complete the railway!
The situation has already collapsed, people below are still competing for power and shirking responsibility, even with Nicholas II's improved patience, he can't help but feel overwhelmed."
He slammed the table vehemently and scolded, "What time is it, and yet all of you are not trying to solve the problem, but instead are here shirking responsibility one after another. Don't forget who you are!"
This is a problem that every monarch has to face. If the subordinates are harmonious, there is a worry that they might collude; if they are continuously fighting, it will affect the efficiency of political governance.
In a sense, this is the paradox of being a monarch.
In normal times, everyone likes to play the game of checks and balances, letting subordinates fight among themselves; but at critical moments, they wish for unity among their subordinates.
Undoubtedly, a bureaucrat who can satisfy both requirements simply does not exist. Most people are selfish, and bureaucrats are no exception; everyone must first look out for themselves.
Don't think they really enjoy political strife. More often than not, they simply have no other choice. Where there are people, there are cliques, and where there are bureaucrats, there are factions.
Even if one wants to stop, the subordinates won't agree. Most of the time, in politics, taking a step back does not lead to a wide-open space but to an abyss.
For instance, now, if the ministers had a unified stance, Nicholas II might seem happy on the surface, but he would definitely not be able to sleep at night.
As for solving problems?
In fact, the various departments had already started taking action. The Treasury was figuring out ways to raise funds, the Army Department was deploying troops, and the Foreign Ministry was working as hard as bees.
Actions were being taken, but these moves were mostly reactive. No one could expect a perfect plan from everyone within just a few hours.
If Nicholas II were to hold a meeting later, the situation would definitely be much better. At worst, it wouldn't just be a bunch of empty clichés.
...
In the Far East, as the initiator of this war, an unprecedented fervor was demonstrated within Japan. As soon as the Japanese Government issued a conscription order, there was a surge in enlistment.
Especially the people in Tokyo, perhaps stimulated by the previous embassy case, now showed extreme zealotry.
Whether it was government agencies, schools, or stores and factories, all displayed propaganda slogans of "Restore Honor."
The convicted felon from the embassy case had already been enshrined as a hero in the Shinto shrine, and various local ceremonies were continuously held.
If it weren't for considering the dignity of the diplomatic corps, it is likely that the Japanese Government would have personally participated in the rituals. In any case, the verdict from the earlier trial had now been overturned by the Japanese.
Even Japanese students who had prepared for the entrance exams at Southeast Asian University were now setting aside their books and joining the war that would decide the fate of their nation.
With the whole nation clamoring for revenge, the few rational voices could not make any waves.
"Anti-war" was non-existent. Even members of the anti-war faction were now keeping their mouths shut, at most quietly contemplating in their minds when alone.
Even foreigners in Japan were affected. As allies of the Russians, the Holy Roman Embassy in Tokyo had been very low-key recently.
From this perspective, the Russian embassy case was indeed valuable to Japan, at least in curbing the arrogance of foreign embassies.
As the saying goes, "The barefoot are not afraid of those with shoes." Japan is now that "barefoot" one. National sentiment was harnessed to the extreme, and a slight provocation would lead to an explosion.
However, such spiritual stimulation is clearly not sustainable. If the frontline troops keep achieving victories, then this situation could last a long time.
Otherwise, once the frontline troops suffer a major defeat, the fragile Japanese national spirit would immediately trigger an avalanche.
The stake of the nation's fortune rested not only on the military and colonies but also on the national spirit.
Japan was now treading the same path as in the original timeline, where it would not stop until everything was lost; if victorious, it would be a rebirth of the nation through a trial by fire, forging the foundation of a great power, adding one more major power to the world.
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